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Plut. Alex., 31,3-33,7 – Original:
[3] τὴν δὲ μεγάλην μάχην πρὸς Δαρεῖον οὐκ ἐν Ἀρβήλοις, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ γράφουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἐν Γαυγαμήλοις γενέσθαι συνέπεσε, σημαίνειν δέ φασιν οἶκον καμήλου τὴν διάλεκτον, ἐπεὶ τῶν πάλαι τις βασιλέων ἐκφυγὼν πολεμίους ἐπὶ καμήλου δρομάδος ἐνταῦθα καθίδρυσεν αὐτήν, ἀποτάξας τινὰς κώμας καὶ προσόδους εἰς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν. [4] ἡ μὲν οὖν σελήνη τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος ἐξέλιπε περὶ τὴν τῶν μυστηρίων τῶν Ἀθήνησιν ἀρχήν, ἑνδεκάτῃ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκλείψεως νυκτὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐν ὄψει γεγονότων, Δαρεῖος μὲν ἐν ὅπλοις συνεῖχε τὴν δύναμιν, ὑπὸ λαμπάδων ἐπιπορευόμενος τὰς τάξεις, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀναπαυομένων αὐτὸς πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς μετὰ τοῦ μάντεως Ἀριστάνδρου διέτριβεν, ἱερουργίας τινὰς ἀπορρήτους ἱερουργούμενος καὶ τῷ Φόβῳ σφαγιαζόμενος. [5] οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι τῶν ἑταίρων, καὶ μάλιστα Παρμενίων, ὡς τὸ μὲν πεδίον τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ Νιφάτου καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν τῶν Γορδυαίων ἅπαν ἑωρᾶτο καταλαμπόμενον τοῖς βαρβαρικοῖς φέγγεσιν, ἀτέκμαρτος δέ τις φωνὴ συμμεμιγμένη καὶ θόρυβος ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καθάπερ ἐξ ἀχανοῦς προσήχει πελάγους, [6] θαυμάσαντες τὸ πλῆθος καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλεχθέντες ὡς μέγα καὶ χαλεπὸν ἔργον εἴη συμπεσόντας ἐκ προφανοῦς τοσοῦτον ὤσασθαι πόλεμον, ἀπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντες ἔπειθον αὐτὸν ἐπιχειρῆσαι νύκτωρ τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ σκότῳ τὸ φοβερώτατον συγκαλύψαι τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀγῶνος, [7] ὁ δὲ τὸ μνημονευόμενον εἰπὼν, ‘οὐ κλέπτω τὴν νίκην,’ ἐνίοις μὲν ἔδοξε μειρακιώδη καὶ κενὴν ἀπόκρισιν πεποιῆσθαι, παίζων πρὸς τοσοῦτον κίνδυνον, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρόντι θαρρεῖν καὶ στοχάζεσθαι τοῦ μέλλοντος ὀρθῶς, μὴ διδοὺς πρόφασιν ἡττηθέντι Δαρείῳ πρὸς ἄλλην αὖθις ἀναθαρρῆσαι πεῖραν, αἰτιωμένῳ τούτων νύκτα καὶ σκότος, ὡς ὄρη καὶ στενὰ καὶ θάλασσαν τῶν προτέρων. [8] οὐ γὰρ ὅπλων οὐδὲ σωμάτων ἀπορίᾳ παύσεσθαι πολεμοῦντα Δαρεῖον ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως καὶ χώρας τοσαύτης, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἀφῇ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα, δι᾽ ἐμφανοῦς ἥττης κατὰ κράτος ἐξελεγχθείς.[32] ἀπελθόντων δὲ τούτων κατακλιθεὶς ὑπὸ σκηνὴν λέγεται τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς νυκτὸς ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ κρατηθῆναι παρὰ τὸ εἰωθός, ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἐπελθόντας ὄρθρου τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ παρ᾽ αὑτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν παράγγελμα πρῶτον ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἔπειτα τοῦ καιροῦ κατεπείγοντος εἰσελθόντα Παρμενίωνα καὶ παραστάντα τῇ κλίνῃ δὶς ἢ τρὶς αὐτοῦ φθέγξασθαι τοὔνομα: καὶ διεγερθέντος οὕτως ἐρωτᾶν ὅ τι δὴ πεπονθὼς ὕπνον καθεύδοι νενικηκότος, οὐχὶ μέλλοντος ἀγωνιεῖσθαι τὸν μέγιστον τῶν ἀγώνων, [2] τὸν γοῦν Ἀλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν διαμειδιάσαντα ‘τί γάρ; οὐκ ἤδη σοι νενικηκέναι δοκοῦμεν ἀπηλλαγμένοι τοῦ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ διώκειν ἐν πολλῇ καὶ κατεφθαρμένῃ φυγομαχοῦντα χώρᾳ, Δαρεῖον;’ οὐ μόνον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐπεδείξατο μέγαν καὶ συνεστηκότα τῷ λογίζεσθαι καὶ θαρρεῖν ἑαυτόν. [3] ἔσχε γὰρ ὁ ἀγὼν ὑποτροπὴν καὶ σάλον ἐν τῷ εὐωνύμῳ κέρατι κατὰ Παρμενίωνα, τῆς Βακτριανῆς ἵππου ῥόθῳ πολλῷ καὶ μετὰ βίας παρεμπεσούσης εἰς τοὺς Μακεδόνας, Μαζαίου δὲ περιπέμψαντος ἔξω τῆς φάλαγγος ἱππεῖς τοῖς σκευοφυλακοῦσι προσβαλοῦντας. διὸ καὶ θορυβούμενος ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ὁ Παρμενίων ἀπέστειλε πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἀγγέλους φράζοντας οἴχεσθαι τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευάς, εἰ μὴ κατὰ τάχος βοήθειαν ὀχυρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος πέμψειε τοῖς ὄπισθεν, [4] ἔτυχε μὲν οὖν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐφόδου διδοὺς σημεῖον ὡς δὲ ἤκουσε τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος, οὐκ ἔφη σωφρονεῖν αὐτὸν οὐδὲ ἐντὸς εἶναι τῶν λογισμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιλελῆσθαι ταραττόμενον ὅτι νικῶντες μὲν προσκτήσονται καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ἡττωμένοις δὲ φροντιστέον οὐ χρημάτων οὐδὲ ἀνδραπόδων, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως ἀποθανοῦνται καλῶς καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνιζόμενοι. [5] ταῦτα ἐπιστείλας Παρμενίωνι τὸ κράνος περιέθετο, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον ὁπλισμόν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς εἶχεν, ὑπένδυμα τῶν Σικελικῶν ζωστόν, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ θώρακα διπλοῦν λινοῦν ἐκ τῶν ληφθέντων ἐν Ἰσσῷ. τὸ δὲ κράνος ἦν μὲν σιδηροῦν, ἔστιλβε δὲ ὥσπερ ἄργυρος καθαρός, ἔργον Θεοφίλου, συνήρμοστο δὲ αὐτῷ περιτραχήλιον ὁμοίως σιδηροῦν, [6] λιθοκόλλητον μάχαιραν δὲ θαυμαστὴν βαφῇ καὶ κουφότητι, δωρησαμένου τοῦ Κιτιέων βασιλέως, εἶχεν, ἠσκημένος τὰ πολλὰ χρῆσθαι μαχαίρᾳ παρὰ τὰς μάχας. ἐπιπόρπωμα δὲ ἐφόρει τῇ μὲν ἐργασίᾳ σοβαρώτερον ἢ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον ὁπλισμόν ἦν γὰρ ἔργον Ἑλικῶνος τοῦ παλαιοῦ, τιμὴ δὲ τῆς Ῥοδίων πόλεως, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐδόθη δῶρον: [7] ἐχρῆτο δὲ καὶ τούτῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας, ἄχρι μὲν οὖν συντάττων τι τῆς φάλαγγος ἢ παρακελευόμενος ἢ διδάσκων ἢ ἐφορῶν παρεξήλαυνεν, ἄλλον ἵππον εἶχε, τοῦ Βουκεφάλα φειδόμενος ἤδη παρήλικος ὄντος χωροῦντι δὲ πρὸς ἔργον ἐκεῖνος προσήγετο, καὶ μεταβὰς εὐθὺς ἦρχεν ἐφόδου.
[33] τότε δὲ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς πλεῖστα διαλεχθεὶς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν, ὡς ἐπέρρωσαν αὐτὸν βοῶντες ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, τὸ ξυστὸν εἰς τὴν ἀριστερὰν μεταβαλὼν τῇ δεξιᾷ παρεκάλει τοὺς θεούς, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησίν, ἐπευχόμενος, εἴπερ ὄντως Διόθεν ἐστὶ γεγονώς, ἀμῦναι καὶ συνεπιρρῶσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, [2] ὁ δὲ μάντις Ἀρίστανδρος χλανίδα λευκὴν ἔχων καὶ χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἐπεδείκνυτο παριππεύων ἀετὸν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου συνεπαιωρούμενον καὶ κατευθύνοντα τῇ πτήσει ὄρθιον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὥστε πολὺ μὲν θάρσος ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ θαρρεῖν καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἀλλήλους δρόμῳ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἱεμένοις ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπικυμαίνειν τὴν φάλαγγα, [2] ὁ δὲ μάντις Ἀρίστανδρος χλανίδα λευκὴν ἔχων καὶ χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἐπεδείκνυτο παριππεύων ἀετὸν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου συνεπαιωρούμενον καὶ κατευθύνοντα τῇ πτήσει ὄρθιον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὥστε πολὺ μὲν θάρσος ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ θαρρεῖν καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἀλλήλους δρόμῳ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἱεμένοις ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπικυμαίνειν τὴν φάλαγγα, [4] ἀλλὰ δεινὸς ὀφθεὶς ἐγγύθεν Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τοὺς μένοντας ἐξέπληξε καὶ διεσκέδασε τὸ πλεῖστον, οἱ δὲ ἄριστοι καὶ γενναιότατοι πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέως φονευόμενοι καὶ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων πίπτοντες ἐμποδὼν τῆς διώξεως ἦσαν, ἐμπλεκόμενοι καὶ περισπαίροντες αὑτοῖς καὶ ἵπποις. [5] Δαρεῖος δέ, τῶν δεινῶν ἁπάντων ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ὄντων καὶ τῶν προτεταγμένων δυνάμεων ἐρειπομένων εἰς αὐτόν, ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἀποστρέψαι τὸ ἅρμα καὶ διεξελάσαι ῥᾴδιον, ἀλλ᾽ οἵ τε τροχοὶ συνείχοντο πτώμασι πεφυρμένοι τοσούτοις οἵ τε ἵπποι καταλαμβανόμενοι καὶ ἀποκρυπτόμενοι τῷ πλήθει τῶν νεκρῶν ἐξήλλοντο καὶ συνετάραττον τὸν ἡνίοχον, ἀπολείπει μὲν τὸ ἅρμα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα, θήλειαν δέ, ὥς φασι, νεοτόκον ἵππον περιβὰς ἔφυγεν. [6] οὐ μὴν τότε ἂν ἐδόκει διαφυγεῖν, εἰ μὴ πάλιν ἧκον ἕτεροι παρὰ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος ἱππεῖς μετακαλοῦντες Ἀλέξανδρον, ὡς συνεστώσης ἔτι πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἐνδιδόντων. ὅλως γὰρ αἰτιῶνται Παρμενίωνα κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην νωθρὸν γενέσθαι καὶ δύσεργον, εἴτε τοῦ γήρως ἤδη τι παραλύοντος τῆς τόλμης, εἴτε τὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὸν ὄγκον, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησί, τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου δυνάμεως βαρυνόμενον καὶ προσφθονοῦντα. [7] τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνιαθεὶς τῇ μεταπέμψει τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις οὐκ ἔφρασε τὸ ἀληθές, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀνέχων τοῦ φονεύειν καὶ σκότους ὄντος ἀνάκλησιν ἐσήμανεν ἐλαύνων δὲ πρὸς τὸ κινδυνεῦον μέρος ἤκουσε καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἡττῆσθαι παντάπασι καὶ φεύγειν τοὺς πολεμίους.
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Übersetzung: Bernadotte Perrin
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Übersetzung
[31,3] Now, the great battle against Dareius was not fought at Arbela, as most writers state, but at Gaugamela.The word signifies, we are told, ‘camel’s house,’ since one of the ancient kings of the country, after escaping from his enemies on a swift camel, gave the animal a home here, assigning certain villages and revenues for its maintenance.[4] It so happened that in the month Boëdromion the moon suffered an eclipse, about the beginning of the Mysteries at Athens, and on the eleventh night after the eclipse, the armies being now in sight of one another, Dareius kept his forces under arms, and held a review of them by torch-light; but Alexander, while his Macedonians slept, himself passed the night in front of his tent with his seer Aristander, celebrating certain mysterious sacred rites and sacrificing to the god Fear. [5] Meanwhile the older of his companions, and particularly Parmenio, when they saw the plain between the Niphates and the Gordyaean mountains all lighted up with the barbarian tires, while an indistinguishably mingled and tumultuous sound of voices arose from their camp as if from a vast ocean, [6] were astonished at their multitude and argued with one another that it was a great and grievous task to repel such a tide of war by engaging in broad day-light. They therefore waited upon the king when he had finished his sacrifices, and tried to persuade him to attack the enemy by night, and so to cover up with darkness the most fearful aspect of the coming struggle. [7] But he gave them the celebrated answer, ‘I will not steal my victory’; whereupon some thought that he had made a vainglorious reply, and was jesting in the presence of so great a peril. Others, however, thought that he had confidence in the present situation and estimated the future correctly, not offering Dareius in case of defeat an excuse to pluck up courage again for another attempt, by laying the blame this time upon darkness and night, as he had before upon mountains, defiles, and sea. [8] For Dareius would not give up the war for lack of arms or men when he could draw from so great a host and so vast a territory, but only when he had lost courage and hope, under the conviction brought by a downright defeat in broad day-light.
[32] After the men were gone, Alexander lay down in his tent, and is said to have passed the rest of the night in a deeper sleep than usual, so that when his officers came to him in the early morning they were amazed, and on their own authority issued orders that the soldiers should first take breakfast. Then, since the occasion was urgent, Parmenio entered the tent, and standing by his couch called Alexander twice or thrice by name; and when he had thus roused him, he asked him how he could possibly sleep as if he were victorious, instead of being about to fight the greatest of all his battles. [2] Then Alexander said with a smile: ‘What, pray? Dost thou not think that we are already victorious, now that we are relieved from wandering about in a vast and desolated country in pursuit of a Dareius who avoids a battle?’ And not only before the battle, but also in the very thick of the struggle did he show himself great, and firm in his confident calculations. [3] For in the battle the left wing under Parmenio was thrown back and in distress, when the Bactrian cavalry fell upon the Macedonians with great impetuosity and violence, and when Mazaeus sent horsemen round outside the line of battle to attack those who were guarding the Macedonian baggage. Therefore, too, Parmenio, much disturbed by both occurrences, sent messengers to Alexander telling him that camp and baggage were gone, unless he speedily sent strong reinforcements from front to rear. [4] Now, it chanced that at that instant Alexander was about to give the signal for the onset to those under his command; but when he heard Parmenio’s message, he declared that Parmenio was beside himself and had lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten in his distress that victors add the baggage of the enemy to their own, and that those who are vanquished must not think about their wealth or their slaves, but only how they may fight gloriously and die with honour. [5] After sending this message to Parmenio, he put on his helmet, but the rest of his armour he had on as he came from his tent, namely, a vest of Sicilian make girt about him, and over this a breastplate of two-ply linen from the spoils taken at Issus. His helmet was of iron, but gleamed like polished silver, a work of Theophilus; and there was fitted to this a gorget, likewise of iron, set with precious stones. [6] He had a sword, too, of astonishing temper and lightness, a gift from the king of the Citieans, and he had trained himself to use a sword for the most part in his battles. He wore a belt also, which was too elaborate for the rest of his armour; for it was a work of Helicon the ancient, and a mark of honour from the city of Rhodes, which had given it to him; this also he was wont to wear in his battles. [7] As long, then, as he was riding about and marshalling some part of his phalanx, or exhorting or instructing or reviewing his men, he spared Bucephalas, who was now past his prime, and used another horse; but whenever he was going into action, Bucephalas would be led up, and he would mount him and at once begin the attack.
[33] On this occasion, he made a very long speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks, and when he saw that they encouraged him with shouts to lead them against the Barbarians, he shifted his lance into his left hand, and with his right appealed to the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, praying them, if he was really sprung from Zeus, to defend and strengthen the Greeks. [2] Aristander the seer, too, wearing a white mantle and having a crown of gold upon his head, rode along the ranks pointing out to them an eagle which soared above the head of Alexander and directed his flight straight against the enemy, at which sight great courage filled the beholders, and after mutual encouragement and exhortation the cavalry charged at full speed upon the enemy and the phalanx rolled on after them like a flood. [3] But before the foremost ranks were engaged the Barbarians gave way, and were hotly pursued, Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the centre of their array, where Dareius was. For from afar he was seen by Alexander through the deep ranks of the royal squadron of horse drawn up in front of him, towering conspicuous, a fine-looking man and tall, standing on a lofty chariot, fenced about by a numerous and brilliant array of horsemen, who were densely massed around his chariot and drawn up to receive the enemy. [4] But when they saw Alexander close at hand and terrible, and driving those who fled before him upon those who held their ground, they were smitten with fear and scattered, for the most part. The bravest and noblest of them, however, slain in front of their king and falling in heaps upon one another, obstructed the Macedonians in their pursuit, weaving and twining themselves in their last agonies about riders and horses. [5] But Dareius, now that all the terrors of the struggle were before his eyes, and now that the forces drawn up to protect him were crowded back upon him, since it was not an easy matter to turn his chariot about and drive it away, seeing that the wheels were obstructed and entangled in the great numbers of the fallen, while the horses, surrounded and hidden away by the multitude of dead bodies, were rearing up and frightening the charioteer, forsook his chariot and his armour, mounted a mare which, as they say, had newly foaled, and took to flight. [6] However, it is thought that he would not then have made his escape, had not fresh horsemen come from Parmenio summoning Alexander to his aid, on the ground that a large force of the enemy still held together there and would not give ground. For there is general complaint that in that battle Parmenio was sluggish and inefficient, either because old age was now impairing somewhat his courage, or because he was made envious and resentful by the arrogance and pomp, to use the words of Callisthenes, of Alexander’s power. [7] At the time, then, although he was annoyed by the summons, the king did not tell his soldiers the truth about it, but on the ground that it was dark and he would therefore remit further slaughter, sounded a recall; and as he rode towards the endangered portion of his army, he heard by the way that the enemy had been utterly defeated and was in flight.
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Plut. Alex., 31,3-33,7
Leitfragen:
1) Wie sind die Taktiken Alexanders und Dareios für die Schlacht?
2) Auf welche Weise will Alexander den endgültigen Sieg über Dareios erringen?
3) Welche Rückschlüsse lässt die jeweilige Schlachttaktik auf die Art der Herrschaftslegitimation zu?
Kommentar:
Plutarch, ein griechischer Schriftsteller des zweiten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts, hat uns in seinen Parallelviten berühmter Römer und Griechen auch eine von Alexander überliefert. Diese stellt neben der Anabasis Arrians den Kern unseres literarischen Quellenbestandes zu Alexander dar.
In diesem Abschnitt finden wir die Beschreibung der entscheidenden Schlacht zwischen Alexander und Dareios bei Gaugamela im heutigen Nordirak. Die Taktiken der beiden Könige sind aus der Quelle deutlich zu erkennen: Dareios verlässt sich auf die weit größere zahlenmäßige Stärke seiner Armee und die flache Ebene, auf der er diese Überlegenheit auch zum Tragen bringen will. Dass die Aufstellung seiner riesigen Armee (andere antike Quellen liefern die sicher weit übertriebene Zahl von 300 000 Soldaten) ihren Eindruck bei Alexanders Armee hinterlässt, ist an der Reaktion seiner Offiziere zu erkennen. Alexander hingegen, der sehr siegessicher ist, fußt seine Taktik auf zwei Dinge: Zum Einen, was in der Quelle nur implizit erkennbar ist, die große Erfahrung seiner Truppen, die teilweise schon mit seinem Vater Philipp in Griechenland gekämpft hatten und viel schlachterfahrener waren als die neu aufgestellte Armee des Dareios. Zum Anderen setzt Alexander auf einen direkten Angriff seinerseits auf Dareios, denn er will der persischen Armee den Kampfgeist nehmen, indem er ihren Anführer tötet. Dies fügt sich auch in seinen Gesamtplan, der darauf beruht, den Kampfeswillen Dareios‘ zu brechen, denn Alexander hat richtig erkannt, dass Dareios‘ Reich groß genug wäre, um noch mehr Armeen dieser Größe aufzustellen. Er kann also nur den Sieg erringen, wenn er den Kampfeswillen des Gegners bricht. Am Ende hat sich seine Taktik als die effektivere herausgestellt.
Aus den jeweiligen Taktiken erkennen wir, auf welche Weise beide Könige ihre Herrschaft legitimieren. Der persische Großkönig Dareios herrscht über ein Vielvölkerreich, von denen die meisten nur von seinen Satrapen beherrscht werden – sie haben in der Regel keine persönliche Beziehung zu ihrem König. So findet er sich auch in der Schlacht wieder: Ein einzelner Mann in einem sehr großen und uneinheitlichen Heer, dem es im entscheidenden Moment an Geschlossenheit mangelt. Er herrscht qua Geburtsrecht, man zweifelt den Großkönig nicht an, denn er ist Teil der achämenidischen Dynastie. Alexander dagegen muss sich vor seinen Untergebenen immer wieder beweisen, was an der charismatischen Natur der makedonischen Herrschaftslegitimation liegt. Im Gegensatz zu Dareios, der auch seine Satrapen für sich Kriege führen lassen kann (wie am Granikos geschehen), muss Alexander sein Heer persönlich führen, denn der Anführer des Heeres ist auch der des Reiches. Es handelt sich um ein Heereskönigtum, das an den militärischen Erfolg gebunden ist. An diversen Beispielen seiner Nachfolger, der sogenannten Diadochen, sieht man, dass makedonische Heere und Offiziere nur zu gerne den Anführer wechseln, wenn sich ein anderer als erfolgreicher, charismatischer oder stärker erwiesen hat. Dass auch Alexanders Charisma nicht ewig trug, sieht man später an der Meuterei seiner Truppen am Hydaspes in Indien.
Zu Alexanders Herrschaftsführung siehr auch den Bericht zur Massenhochzeit in Susa, zu seiner Armeeführung den zur Meuterei am Hydaspes.